華裔精英看不起新移民，可新移民並不在意

不管在哪個時期，不管在什麼場合，禮儀都是非常重要的，對「立足美國，追求卓越與成就」的美國華人精英組織「百人會」來說更是如此。

前不久，「百人會」會長吳華揚教授在《赫芬頓郵報》上發表了一片題為《關於新移民——給美國亞裔活動家的一封私信》的文章。「百人會」會員們既然都有極高的教育水平和社會地位，自然明白謹言慎行的道理，因此我不願帶著情緒對吳教授的「公開私信」加以駁斥。

吳華揚教授文章

吳教授的文章反映出他對1980年代以後赴美的移民存在極大的誤解，他居高臨下地在「我們」和「他們」——即美國本土華裔精英和政治思想「未開化」的暴發戶——之間劃了一條刺眼的分隔線。華人新移民對川普鼎力支持，令傳統華裔精英始料未及且無法理解，究其原因乃是兩個群體之間的聯繫過於單薄。

新移民們深受共和黨的話語吸引，因為它強調個人責任和勤奮工作的重要性。與美國許多少數族裔一樣，他們也對種族歧視有著切身感受，但從不讓此類負面經歷動搖自己在新社會環境里出人頭地的決心。他們來自社會主義國家，卻不習慣依賴社會福利，更不同情靠政府「供養」的群體，因此有時稍顯缺乏仁善之心，但這卻是他們的真情實感。其實換在30年前，這也是美國人的主流觀念。去年，華人新移民把選票投給了川普；未來，他們還會投票給支持財政保守主義的類似候選人。

華人新移民難以與其他「弱勢」群體緊密團結在一起，不是因為他們頑固不化、心懷惡意，而是因為他們不把自己看作弱勢群體。他們當中的大多數人對美國提供的經濟和教育機會心懷感激。

但無可否認的是，新華人移民與其他少數族裔確實在某些利益上無法取得一致。例如美國頂級名校在招生時，華裔學生往往處於不利位置，「看不見的天花板」無處不在，使許多華人感到心寒。一方面優秀的華裔學生被名校拒之門外，另一方面其他族裔的學生哪怕成績較差，校方也會出於「多樣化」的考慮吸收他們入學。

許多華裔學生的家長認為，正是「多樣化」使他們子女的合理權利遭到剝奪，因此這個詞在華裔社群中的污名化並不足為奇。奇怪的是，如此明顯的歧視現象，「百人會」卻從未將其納入據理力爭的議題，不免顯得失之虛偽。如果「百人會」真想為所有美國華人爭取社會地位，保障受教育的權利將是一個良好的開端。華裔精英們應當鼓勵華人社群奮起維權，而不是劃出一條防疫封鎖線，把新移民隔離在外邊。

如果美國亞裔社會活動人士迫切地想把初來乍到的同胞改造成「真正」的美國人，就應該從歷史中汲取經驗。在過去的150年裡，經歷了太多戰爭、飢荒、貧窮、動亂，成為了許多早期移民的傷心地。他們遠渡重洋來到美國，徹底融入新的國家是唯一的選擇；隨著美中數十年交惡，許多人在不知不覺間斷絕了與故國的一切聯繫。

對1980年代以後赴美的新移民而言，他們的政治和文化經歷與老一輩華人移民截然不同。新移民心中所屬的祖國，已經不再是他們祖輩的那個祖國。即使有再多缺點和不足，仍然處於國力回升階段，民族自豪感使許多新移民願意維護自己的祖國——哪怕他們已經離開，哪怕它有時略顯剛愎自用。出於各種原因，新移民與保持著情感聯繫，他們與國內各地親友們也有密切往來。

在美國政治語境下，泛亞裔是個被主流社會高度同化的少數群體，但華人新移民卻無意邁入這個「大家庭」的門檻。他們或許眼界失於狹隘，或許個人習慣不佳，損害了您這樣早期移民的華裔精英為美國上層社會苦心經營的模範形象。雖然華裔精英努力試圖幫助新移民變得更加「美國化」，但這兩個群體本不相同，後者也不期待變成前者。

在大多數美國人的觀念里，美國華裔溫順守法，不喜與人爭執。喧鬧的新移民則完全是另一個物種，他們將在人數上超過說英語的老移民。隨著政治和軍事實力的崛起，他們的聲音將變得更響亮，他們的行為變得更加主流。

新移民來自各種各樣的背景，他們有著強烈的民族情感和地方自豪感，爭強好勝，拒絕美國講究「政治正確」的文化，勢必導致新老華人移民內部產生摩擦和對抗。但總的來說，他們的聲音早晚會成為美國華人主流，逐漸取代「百人會」等老一代華人移民組織。

他們不只將爭取所謂的「一席之地」，他們要建立自己的地位。不管你歡不歡迎，這一天都必然會到來。

New Chinese Immigrants Are Different From Chinese Americans And Proud Of It

Etiquette is at all times and places important, yet perhaps particularly so in the rarefied society peopled by the Committee of 100, a group of Chinese Americans 「dedicated to the spirit of excellence and achievement in America.」

Professor Frank Wu, the chairman, recently wrote an article titled 「Private Note To Asian-American Activists About New Arrivals,」 which ran in The Huffington Post. In light of the reserve and temperance conferred on committee members by their sterling educations and social standing, I shall eschew anything like the emotive rebuttal that Wu』s very un-private note provokes.

The note』s profound misunderstanding of Chinese immigrants to the U.S. since 1980 demonstrates a condescension that establishes a neon distinction between 「us」 and 「them」 — the incumbent Chinese-American elite and hordes of politically unenlightened diaspora upstarts. The Chinese-American elite were appalled by the watershed of support for Donald Trump among new Chinese arrivals. The failure to foresee and understand this support arises from their weak connection to the newcomers.

Recent immigrants are drawn to Republican Party rhetoric of individual responsibility and commitment to hard work. Like many minorities in the U.S., they have experienced racial discrimination but have not permitted it to cripple their determination to succeed and excel in a new society. Coming from a socialist country, they are ironically unaccustomed to social welfare and have little sympathy for those who depend on government 「handouts.」 This stance may be uncharitable, but it is nonetheless what they feel and, in fact, not so far removed from the sentiment of a majority of American citizens as recently as 30 years ago. The new arrivals voted for Trump and will continue to vote for Trump equivalents, as long as such candidates espouse fiscally conservative platforms.

New Chinese arrivals do not feel solidarity with disadvantaged groups not because they are bigoted but because they do not consider themselves disadvantaged. Most are pleased to have a chance to pursue the economic and educational paths the U.S. offers.

Undeniably, they have sometimes found that their interests are misaligned with those of other ethnic minorities. For example, many Chinese have found repugnant the unacknowledged but ubiquitous glass ceiling confronting Chinese applicants to top universities. Qualified applicants of Chinese ethnicity are denied entry, while underperforming applicants of other ethnic groups gain admission on the grounds of 「diversity.」

It is small wonder that this mystical euphemism ― 「diversity」 ― has become a dirty word among many aggrieved Chinese parents, who feel it denies their children a rightful place at American universities. It is odd and more than a touch hypocritical that such squarely discriminatory issues have never been the remit of the Committee of 100. Were the committee genuinely interested in gaining a seat at the table for all Chinese in America, here would be a good place to start. The Chinese-American elite should galvanize our community rather than erecting a cordon sanitaire around a group of new Americans.

To any 「Asian-American activists,」 fretting over how to transform their newly arrived brethren into 「real」 Americans, a brief review of history may be handy. Broadly speaking, war, famine, dismal economic prospects and political upheavals over the course of a century and a half marked China as a place of only grief and sorrow and drove early Chinese immigration to the U.S. Full assimilation in the new country was the only option; many severed ties with the old country unwittingly, due to decades of enmity between the U.S. and communist China.

The political and cultural experience of new arrivals since the early 1980s, however, differs tremendously from that of earlier immigrants. The China with which the new immigrants identify is quite a difference place ― literally, not your grandfather』s China. In spite of its numerous flaws, China has been on an upswing and many new arrivals find themselves to be robust apologists for China ― yes, the same place from which they upped and left ― and its sometimes wayward behavior. They continue to be connected to the old country for a variety of reasons, and provincial, regional and city ties remain strong.

These recent immigrants do not seek membership in the highly assimilated pan-Asian fraternity as defined by American political parlance. Their parochialism and sometimes less-than-refined personal habits affront the carefully constructed model minority image that the Chinese-American elite have shown to American elite. Despite the Chinese-American elite』s most assiduous efforts to bring them round ― to assist them in becoming more 「American」 ― they are different from these elites and they do not aspire to become more like them.

Chinese Americans have been perceived by many white Americans as a docile, law-abiding and non-contentious group. The boisterous new diaspora from the People』s Republic of China are a different breed and will outnumber Anglophone Chinese Americans. Their voices will become louder and their behavior more prominent, as their home country becomes politically and militarily more powerful.

Moreover, hailing from diverse Chinese communities worldwide, their nationalism and regionalism, fierce competitive habits and rejection of a culture of political correctness will generate plenty of friction and rivalry. The overarching reality is that they will sooner or later become the de facto Chinese voices in the U.S., at the expense of the incumbent Chinese-American organizations.

They will do more than compete for a seat at the proverbial table. They want their own table. Whether or not I welcome this eventuality, I do not doubt its inevitability.

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